<p>Progress toward racial health equity cannot be made if we cannot measure its fundamental driver – structural racism. As in other epidemiological studies, the first step is to measure the exposure. But how to measure structural racism is an ongoing debate. To characterize the approaches epidemiologists and other health researchers use to quantitatively measure structural racism, highlight methodological innovations, and identify gaps in the literature, we conducted a scoping review of the peer-reviewed and grey literature published during 2019-2021 to accompany the work of Groos et al. (J Health Dispar Res Pract. 2018;11(2):Article 13), which surveys the scope of structural racism measurement up to 2017. We identified several themes from the recent literature: the current predominant focus on measuring anti-Black racism, using residential segregation as well as other segregation-driven measures as proxies of structural racism, measuring structural racism as spatial exposures, an increasing call by epidemiologists and other health researchers to measure structural racism as a multidimensional, multi-level determinant of health and related innovations, the development of policy databases, the utility of simulated counterfactual approaches in the understanding of how structural racism drive racial health inequities, and the lack of measures of antiracism and limited work on later life effects. Our findings sketch out several future steps to improve the science around structural racism measurements, which is the key to advancing antiracism policies.</p>

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Background: Urban racial arrest disparities are well known. Emerging evidence suggests that rural policing shares similar patterns as urban policing in the USA, but without receiving the same public scrutiny, raising the risk of biased rural policing going unnoticed. Methods: We estimated adult and adolescent arrest rates and rate ratios (RR) by race, rural-urban status, and US region based on 2016 Uniform Crime Reporting Program arrest and US Census population counts using general estimating equation Poisson regression models with a 4-way interaction between race, region, age group, and urbanicity. Results: With few exceptions, arrest rates were highest in small towns and rural areas, especially among Black and American Indian populations. Arrest rates differed between US regions with highest rates and racial disparities in the Midwest. For example, arrest rates among Black adults in the rural Midwest were 148.6 arrests [per 1000 population], 95% CI 131.4–168.0, versus 94.4 arrests, 95% CI 77.2–115.4 in the urban Midwest; and versus corresponding rural Midwest arrests among white adults, 32.7 arrests, 95% CI 30.8–34.8, Black versus white rural RR 4.54, 95% CI 4.09–5.04. Racial arrest disparities in the South were lower but still high, e.g., rural South, Black versus White adults, RR 1.86, 95% CI 1.71–2.03. Conclusions: Rural areas and small towns are potential hotspots of racial arrest disparities across the USA, especially in the Midwest. Approaches to overcoming structural racism in policing must include strategies targeted at rural/small town communities. Our findings underscore the importance of dismantling racist policing in all US communities.

Despite extensive evidence of work as a key social determinant of hypertension, risk prediction equations incorporating this information are lacking. Such limitations hinder clinicians’ ability to tailor patient care and comprehensively address hypertension risk factors. This study examined whether including work characteristics in hypertension risk equations improves their predictive accuracy. Using occupation ratings from the Occupational Information Network database, we measured job demand, job control, and supportiveness of supervisors and coworkers for occupations in the United States economy. We linked these occupation-based measures with the employment status and health data of participants in the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults (CARDIA) study. We fit logistic regression equations to estimate the probability of hypertension onset in five years among CARDIA participants with and without variables reflecting work characteristics. Based on the Harrell’s c- and Hosmer–Lemeshow’s goodness-of-fit statistics, we found that our logistic regression models that include work characteristics predict hypertension onset more accurately than those that do not incorporate these variables. We also found that the models that rely on occupation-based measures predict hypertension onset more accurately for White than Black participants, even after accounting for a sample size difference. Including other aspects of work, such as workers’ experience in the workplace, and other social determinants of health in risk equations may eliminate this discrepancy. Overall, our study showed that clinicians should examine workers’ work-related characteristics to tailor hypertension care plans appropriately.

In the United States (US), Black—particularly Black female—healthcare workers are more likely to hold occupations with high job demand, low job control with limited support from supervisors or coworkers and are more vulnerable to job loss than their white counterparts. These work-related factors increase the risk of hypertension. This study examines the extent to which occupational segregation explains the persistent racial inequity in hypertension in the healthcare workforce and the potential health impact of workforce desegregation policies. We simulated a US healthcare workforce with four occupational classes: health diagnosing professionals (i.e., highest status), health treating professionals, healthcare technicians, and healthcare aides (i.e., lowest status). We simulated occupational segregation by allocating 25-year-old workers to occupational classes with the race- and gender-specific probabilities estimated from the American Community Survey data. Our model used occupational class attributes and workers’ health behaviors to predict hypertension over a 40-year career. We tracked the hypertension prevalence and the Black–white prevalence gap among the simulated workers under the staus quo condition (occupational segregation) and the experimental conditions in which occupational segregation was eliminated. We found that the Black–white hypertension prevalence gap became approximately one percentage point smaller in the experimental than in the status quo conditions. These findings suggest that&nbsp;policies designed to desegregate the healthcare workforce may reduce racial health inequities in this population. Our microsimulation may be used in future research to compare various desegregation policies as they may affect workers’ health differently.

There have been over 100 years of literature discussing the deleterious influence of racism on health. Much of the literature describes racism as a driver of social determinants of health, such as housing, employment, income, and education. More recently, increased attention has been given to measuring the structural nature of a system that advantages one racialized group over others rather than solely relying on individual acknowledgement of racism. Despite these advances, there is still a need for methodological and analytical approaches to complement the aforementioned. This commentary calls on epidemiologists and other health researchers at large to engage the discourse on measuring structural racism. First, we address the conflation between race and racism in epidemiologic research. Next, we offer methodological recommendations (linking of interdisciplinary variables and data sets and leveraging mixed-method and life-course approaches) and analytical recommendations (integration of mixed data, use of multidimensional models) that epidemiologists and other health researchers may consider in health equity research. The goal of this commentary is to inspire the use of up-to-date and theoretically driven approaches to increase discourse among public health researchers on capturing racism as well as to improve evidence of its role as the fundamental cause of racial health inequities.

Racist policies and practices that restrict Black, as compared to white workers, from employment may drive racial inequities in birth outcomes among workers. This study examined the association between structural racism in labor markets, measured at a commuting zone where workers live and commute to work, and low-birthweight birth. We found the deleterious effect of structural racism in labor markets among US-born Southern Black pregnant people of working age, but not among African- or Caribbean-born counterparts in any US region. Our analysis highlights the intersections of structural racism, culture, migration, and history of racial oppression that vary across regions and birth outcomes of Black workers.

<h3>Importance</h3><p>Police contact may have negative psychological effects on pregnant people, and psychological stress has been linked to preterm birth (ie, birth at &lt;37 weeks’ gestation). Existing knowledge of racial disparities in policing patterns and their associations with health suggest redesigning public safety policies could contribute to racial health equity.</p><h3>Objective</h3><p>To examine the association between community-level police contact and the risk of preterm birth among White pregnant people, US-born Black pregnant people, and Black pregnant people who were born outside the US.</p><h3>Design, Setting, and Participants</h3><p>This cross-sectional study used medical record data of 745 White individuals, 121 US-born Black individuals, and 193 Black individuals born outside the US who were Minneapolis residents and gave birth to a live singleton at a large health system between January 1 and December 31, 2016. Data were analyzed from March 2019 to October 2020.</p><h3>Exposures</h3><p>Police contact was measured at the level of the census tract where the pregnant people lived. Police incidents per capita (ie, the number of police incidents divided by the census tract population estimate) were dichotomized into high if the value was in the fourth quartile and low for the remaining three quartiles.</p><h3>Main Outcomes and Measures</h3><p>Preterm birth status was based on the<i>International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, 10th revision, Clinical Modification </i>(<i>ICD-10-CM</i>) code. Preterm infants were those with<i>ICD-10-CM</i>codes P07.2 and P07.3 documented in their charts.</p><h3>Results</h3><p>Of 1059 pregnant people (745 [70.3%] White, 121 [11.4%] US-born Black, 193 [18.2%] Black born outside the US) in the sample, 336 White individuals (45.1%) and 62 Black individuals who were born outside the US (32.1%) gave birth between the ages of 30 and 34 years, while US-born Black individuals gave birth at younger ages, with 49 (40.5%) aged 25 years or younger. The incidence of preterm birth was 6.7% for White individuals (50 pregnant people), 14.0% for US-born Black individuals (17 pregnant people), and 5.7% for Black individuals born outside the US (11 pregnant people). In areas with high police contact vs low police contact, the odds of preterm birth were 90% higher for White individuals (odds ratio [OR], 1.9; 95% CI, 1.9-2.0), 100% higher for US-born Black individuals (OR, 2.0; 95% CI, 1.8-2.2), and 10% higher for Black individuals born outside the US (OR, 1.1; 95% CI, 1.0-1.2). Secondary geospatial analysis further revealed that the proportion of Black residents in Minneapolis census tracts was correlated with the number of police incidents reported between 2012 and 2016 (<i>P</i> = .001).</p><h3>Conclusions and Relevance</h3><p>In this study, police contact was associated with preterm birth for both Black and White pregnant people. Predominantly Black neighborhoods had greater police contact than predominantly White neighborhoods, indicating that Black pregnant people were more likely to be exposed to police than White pregnant people. These findings suggest that racialized police patterns borne from a history of racism in the United States may contribute to racial disparity in preterm birth.</p>

Research Objective: In the United States, Black infants are twice as likely than their white counterparts to experience preterm birth (PTB)-an inequity that has existed for decades. Forms of structural racism such as residential segregation have recently been associated with PTB. Segregated communities are often disproportionately exposed to police contact. Little is understood about how simply living in a community that experiences disproportionate police contact may impact PTB. Our objective is to assess whether high exposure to police contact is associated with PTB. Study Design: Neighborhood police exposure was measured at the census tract level with police incident data extracted from the Minneapolis Police Incident Report (2012-2016). The 5-year cumulative count of police incidents of all offense types was calculated for each census tract. This cumulative count ranged from 10 to more than 9000 incidents during these 5 years which likely reflects heterogeneity in neighborhood vigilance or that census tracts with a larger number of residents were more likely to have more police incidents. To account for the latter, we categorized each census tract into neighborhoods with high (fourth quartile) vs low (first to third quartile) police exposure and included census tract population estimate as a covariate along with marital status, maternal age at the time of delivery, insurance status, diagnosis of diabetes (prepregnancy and gestational), and hypertension. All population estimates were from the 2016 American Community Survey 5-year estimates. We mapped 5-year cumulative police incident count and proportion of Black residents to visually assess relationships. We also test for correlation of the incident count and the proportion of Black residents. To examine the association between the neighborhood police exposure and PTB, we constructed multivariate multilevel generalized linear regression models, adjusting for correlated data of women who lived in the same census tract, and estimated robust standard errors with the sandwich estimator. Population Studied: The analytic sample included Black and White women who gave birth to live singletons from January 1 to December 31, 2016 and lived in one of the 116 census tracts that make up the City of Minneapolis plus the 15 bordering census tracts. Principal Findings: When the measure of neighborhood police exposure, census tract population estimate, and the woman's racial group were regressed on PTB, we observed an 83% increase in the odds of PTB among those who resided in the neighborhood with high police exposure relative to those in the low exposure neighborhood (OR = 1.83, CI: 1.01-3.32). When maternal and census tract median household income was controlled for, we observed a slightly larger magnitude of our association of interest (OR = 1.99, CI: 1.00-3.96). Conclusions: A high level of neighborhood police exposure increases the risk of PTB among women of all racial groups. However, since neighborhoods with greater proportion of Blacks residents are more likely to be policed, the higher incident of PTB among Black than White women may be attributed to racialized pattern of exposure rather than differential effect between the two groups. Implications for Policy or Practice: Police contact, specifically routine stops conducted by police departments as a crime deterrent measure, may impact health outcomes.

Antiracist health policy research requires methodological innovation that creates equity-centered and antiracist solutions to health inequities by centering the complexities and insidiousness of structural racism. The development of effective health policy and health equity interventions requires sound empirical characterization of the nature of structural racism and its impact on public health. However, there is a disconnect between the conceptualization and measurement of structural racism in the public health literature. Given that structural racism is a system of interconnected institutions that operates with a set of racialized rules that maintain White supremacy, how can anyone accurately measure its insidiousness? This article highlights methodological approaches that will move the field forward in its ability to validly measure structural racism for the purposes of achieving health equity. We identify three key areas that require scholarly attention to advance antiracist health policy research: historical context, geographical context, and theory-based novel quantitative and qualitative methods that capture the multifaceted and systemic properties of structural racism as well as other systems of oppression.