<p>Progress toward racial health equity cannot be made if we cannot measure its fundamental driver – structural racism. As in other epidemiological studies, the first step is to measure the exposure. But how to measure structural racism is an ongoing debate. To characterize the approaches epidemiologists and other health researchers use to quantitatively measure structural racism, highlight methodological innovations, and identify gaps in the literature, we conducted a scoping review of the peer-reviewed and grey literature published during 2019-2021 to accompany the work of Groos et al. (J Health Dispar Res Pract. 2018;11(2):Article 13), which surveys the scope of structural racism measurement up to 2017. We identified several themes from the recent literature: the current predominant focus on measuring anti-Black racism, using residential segregation as well as other segregation-driven measures as proxies of structural racism, measuring structural racism as spatial exposures, an increasing call by epidemiologists and other health researchers to measure structural racism as a multidimensional, multi-level determinant of health and related innovations, the development of policy databases, the utility of simulated counterfactual approaches in the understanding of how structural racism drive racial health inequities, and the lack of measures of antiracism and limited work on later life effects. Our findings sketch out several future steps to improve the science around structural racism measurements, which is the key to advancing antiracism policies.</p>

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Introduction: Older adults racialized as Black experience higher rates of dementia than those racialized as White. Structural racism produces socioeconomic challenges, described by artist Marvin Gaye as “hang ups, let downs, bad breaks, setbacks” that likely contribute to dementia disparities. Robust dementia literature suggests socioeconomic factors may also be key resiliencies. Methods: We linked state-level data reflecting the racialized landscape of economic opportunity across the 20th Century from the U.S. Census (1930-2010) with individual-level data on cognitive outcomes from the U.S. Health and Retirement Study participants racialized as Black. A purposive sample of participants born after the Brown v. Board ruling (born 1954-59) were selected who completed the modified Telephone Interview for Cognitive Status between 2010 and 2020 (N=1381). We tested associations of exposure to structural racism and resilience before birth, and during childhood, young-adulthood, and midlife with cognitive trajectories in mid-late life using mixed-effects regression models. Results: Older adults born in places with higher state-level structural socioeconomic racism experienced a more rapid cognitive decline in later life compared to those with lower levels of exposure. In addition, participants born in places with higher levels of state-level structural socioeconomic resilience experienced slower cognitive change over time than their counterparts. Discussion: These findings reveal the impact of racist U.S. policies enacted in the past that influence cognitive health over time and dementia risk later in life.

Police brutality harms women. Structural racism and structural sexism expose women of color to police brutality through 4 interrelated mechanisms: (1) desecration of Black womanhood, (2) criminalization of communities of color, (3) hypersexualization of Black and Brown women, and (4) vicarious marginalization. We analyze intersectionality as a framework for understanding racial and gender determinants of police brutality, arguing that public health research and policy must consider how complex intersections of these determinants and their contextual specificities shape the impact of police brutality on the health of racially minoritized women. We recommend that public health scholars (1) measure and analyze multiple sources of vulnerability to police brutality, (2) consider policies and interventions within the contexts of intersecting statuses, (3) center life course experiences of marginalized women, and (4) assess and make Whiteness visible. People who hold racial and gender power-who benefit from racist and sexist systems-must relinquish power and reject these benefits. Power and the benefits of power are what keep oppressive systems such as racism, sexism, and police brutality in place. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(S1):S29-S36. https:// P olice brutality is a social determinant of health, causing mortality, morbidity, and disability. 1,2 Police brutality also extends to police neglect and words, policies, and actions that dehu-manize, intimidate, and cause physical, psychological, and sexual harm. 1,3 Police brutality can be experienced directly through personal contact with the police, vicariously through witnessing or hearing about police actions in the media or within one's kin and social networks, and ecologically through living , working, or attending schools in heavily policed neighborhoods. 2,4 Exposure to and health consequences of police brutality are not equally distributed. Racially minoritized communities are disproportionately exposed to police brutality, significantly increasing mortality rates and elevating odds of physical and psychological problems. 2 Even though most of the research focuses on male victims of police brutality, 5 Black and other women and gender-nonconforming people of color are significantly harmed, and their experiences rendered invisible. 6 Intersection-ality behooves us to analyze beyond the racism of police brutality. We examine how intersecting systems of racism and sexism expose racially minoritized women to police brutality. We also discuss the relevance of applying an intersectionality framework in research that examines the health impacts of police brutality and in the development of policies to eliminate this form of structural violence that harms women of color. We use "women of color" to refer to Black women and other racially minori-tized women who are not racialized as White. We understand that anti-Blackness is at the center of structural racism and police brutality 7 and that, even within the heterogeneous category of "women of color," Black women experience anti-Black racism perpetrated and sustained by other women of color. 8 However, our analysis focuses on the experiences of women of color to acknowledge the complex reality that we are all victims of the White Analytic Essay Peer Reviewed Alang et al. S29

<h3>Importance</h3><p>Despite decades-long calls for increasing racial and ethnic diversity, the medical profession continues to exclude members of Black or African American, Hispanic or Latinx, and Indigenous groups.</p><h3>Objective</h3><p>To describe US medical school admissions leaders’ experiences with barriers to and advances in diversity, equity, and inclusion.</p><h3>Design, Setting, and Participants</h3><p>This qualitative study involved key-informant interviews of 39 deans and directors of admission from 37 US allopathic medical schools across the range of student body racial and ethnic composition. Interviews were conducted in person and online from October 16, 2019, to March 27, 2020, and analyzed from October 2019 to March 2021.</p><h3>Main Outcomes and Measures</h3><p>Participant experiences with barriers to and advances in diversity, equity, and inclusion.</p><h3>Results</h3><p>Among 39 participants from 37 medical schools, admissions experience ranged from 1 to 40 years. Overall, 56.4% of participants identified as women, 10.3% as Asian American, 25.6% as Black or African American, 5.1% as Hispanic or Latinx, and 61.5% as White (participants could report &gt;1 race and/or ethnicity). Participants characterized diversity broadly, with limited attention to racial injustice. Barriers to advancing racial and ethnic diversity included lack of leadership commitment; pressure from faculty and administrators to overemphasize academic scores and school rankings; and political and social influences, such as donors and alumni. Accreditation requirements, holistic review initiatives, and local policy motivated reforms but may also have inadvertently lowered expectations and accountability. Strategies to overcome challenges included narrative change and revision of school leadership structure, admissions goals, practices, and committee membership.</p><h3>Conclusions and Relevance</h3><p>In this qualitative study, admissions leaders characterized the ways in which entrenched beliefs, practices, and power structures in medical schools may perpetuate institutional racism, with far-reaching implications for health equity. Participants offered insights on how to remove inequitable structures and implement process changes. Without such action, calls for racial justice will likely remain performative, and racism across health care institutions will continue.</p>

Police brutality harms women. Structural racism and structural sexism expose women of color to police brutality through 4 interrelated mechanisms: (1) desecration of Black womanhood, (2) criminalization of communities of color, (3) hypersexualization of Black and Brown women, and (4) vicarious marginalization. We analyze intersectionality as a framework for understanding racial and gender determinants of police brutality, arguing that public health research and policy must consider how complex intersections of these determinants and their contextual specificities shape the impact of police brutality on the health of racially minoritized women. We recommend that public health scholars (1) measure and analyze multiple sources of vulnerability to police brutality, (2) consider policies and interventions within the contexts of intersecting statuses, (3) center life course experiences of marginalized women, and (4) assess and make Whiteness visible. People who hold racial and gender power—who benefit from racist and sexist systems—must relinquish power and reject these benefits. Power and the benefits of power are what keep oppressive systems such as racism, sexism, and police brutality in place.

Introduction: There is limited evidence on how government spending is associated with maternal death. This study investigates the associations between state and local government spending on social and healthcare services and pregnancy-related mortality among the total, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic White populations. Methods: State-specific total population and race/ethnicity-specific 5-year (2015–2019) pregnancy-related mortality ratios were estimated from annual natality and mortality files provided by the National Center for Health Statistics. Data on state and local government spending and population-level characteristics were obtained from U.S. Census Bureau surveys. Generalized linear Poisson regression models with robust SEs were fitted to estimate adjusted rate ratios and 95% CIs associated with proportions of total spending allocated to social services and healthcare domains, adjusting for state-level covariates. All analyses were completed in 2021–2022. Results: State and local government spending on transportation was associated with 11% lower overall pregnancy-related mortality (adjusted rate ratio=0.89, 95% CI=0.83, 0.96) and 9%–12% lower pregnancy-related mortality among the racial/ethnic groups. Among spending subdomains, expenditures on higher education, highways and roads, and parks and recreation were associated with lower pregnancy-related mortality rates in the total population (adjusted rate ratio=0.90, 95% CI=0.86, 0.94; adjusted rate ratio=0.87, 95% CI=0.81, 0.94; and adjusted rate ratio=0.68, 95% CI=0.49, 0.95, respectively). These results were consistent among the racial/ethnic groups, but patterns of associations with pregnancy-related mortality and other spending subdomains differed notably between racial/ethnic groups. Conclusions: Investing more in local- and state-targeted spending in social services may decrease the risk for pregnancy-related mortality, particularly among Black women.

Objectives. To measure neighborhood exposure to proactive policing as a manifestation of structural racism and its association with preterm birth. Methods. We linked all birth records in New Orleans, Louisiana (n 5 9102), with annual census tract rates of proactive police stops using data from the New Orleans Police Department (2018–2019). We fit multilevel Poisson models predicting preterm birth across quintiles of stop rates, controlling for several individual- and tract-level covariates. Results. Nearly 20% of Black versus 8% of White birthing people lived in neighborhoods with the highest rates of proactive police stops. Fully adjusted models among Black birthing people suggest the prevalence of preterm birth in the neighborhoods with the highest proactive policing rates was 1.41 times that of neighborhoods with the lowest rates (95% confidence interval 5 1.04, 1.93), but associations among White birthing people were not statistically significant. Conclusions. Taken together with previous research, high rates of proactive policing likely contribute to Black–White inequities in reproductive health. Public Health Implications. Proactive policing is widely implemented to deter violence, but alternative strategies without police should be considered to prevent potential adverse health consequences.

<p> Psychosocial stressors have been implicated in childhood obesity, but the role of racism-related stressors is less clear. This study explored associations between neighborhood inequities, discrimination/harassment, and child body mass index (BMI). Parents of children aged 5-9 years from diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds (n = 1307), completed surveys of their child's exposure to discrimination/harassment. Census tract data derived from addresses were used to construct an index of concentration at the extremes, a measure of neighborhood social polarization. Child's height and weight were obtained from medical records. Multiple regression and hierarchical models examined child's BMI and racism at the individual and census tract levels. Children residing in the most Black-homogenous census tracts had 8.2 percentage units higher BMI percentile (95% confidence interval, 1.5-14.9) compared with white-homogenous tracts ( <italic toggle="yes">P</italic> = .03). Household income and home values were lower, poverty rates higher, and single parent households more common among Black-homogeneous census tracts. Almost 30% of children experienced discrimination/harassment in the past year, which was associated with a 5.28-unit higher BMI percentile (95% confidence interval, 1.72-8.84; <italic toggle="yes">P</italic> = .004). Discrimination and racial/economic segregation were correlated with higher child BMI. Longitudinal studies are needed to understand whether these factors may be related to weight gain trajectories and future health. </p>

Despite extensive evidence of work as a key social determinant of hypertension, risk prediction equations incorporating this information are lacking. Such limitations hinder clinicians’ ability to tailor patient care and comprehensively address hypertension risk factors. This study examined whether including work characteristics in hypertension risk equations improves their predictive accuracy. Using occupation ratings from the Occupational Information Network database, we measured job demand, job control, and supportiveness of supervisors and coworkers for occupations in the United States economy. We linked these occupation-based measures with the employment status and health data of participants in the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults (CARDIA) study. We fit logistic regression equations to estimate the probability of hypertension onset in five years among CARDIA participants with and without variables reflecting work characteristics. Based on the Harrell’s c- and Hosmer–Lemeshow’s goodness-of-fit statistics, we found that our logistic regression models that include work characteristics predict hypertension onset more accurately than those that do not incorporate these variables. We also found that the models that rely on occupation-based measures predict hypertension onset more accurately for White than Black participants, even after accounting for a sample size difference. Including other aspects of work, such as workers’ experience in the workplace, and other social determinants of health in risk equations may eliminate this discrepancy. Overall, our study showed that clinicians should examine workers’ work-related characteristics to tailor hypertension care plans appropriately.

In the United States (US), Black—particularly Black female—healthcare workers are more likely to hold occupations with high job demand, low job control with limited support from supervisors or coworkers and are more vulnerable to job loss than their white counterparts. These work-related factors increase the risk of hypertension. This study examines the extent to which occupational segregation explains the persistent racial inequity in hypertension in the healthcare workforce and the potential health impact of workforce desegregation policies. We simulated a US healthcare workforce with four occupational classes: health diagnosing professionals (i.e., highest status), health treating professionals, healthcare technicians, and healthcare aides (i.e., lowest status). We simulated occupational segregation by allocating 25-year-old workers to occupational classes with the race- and gender-specific probabilities estimated from the American Community Survey data. Our model used occupational class attributes and workers’ health behaviors to predict hypertension over a 40-year career. We tracked the hypertension prevalence and the Black–white prevalence gap among the simulated workers under the staus quo condition (occupational segregation) and the experimental conditions in which occupational segregation was eliminated. We found that the Black–white hypertension prevalence gap became approximately one percentage point smaller in the experimental than in the status quo conditions. These findings suggest that&nbsp;policies designed to desegregate the healthcare workforce may reduce racial health inequities in this population. Our microsimulation may be used in future research to compare various desegregation policies as they may affect workers’ health differently.

Introduction: Racial inequities in birth outcomes persist in the United States. Doula care may help to decrease inequities and improve some perinatal health indicators, but access remains a challenge. Recent doula-related state legislative action seeks to improve access, but the prioritization of equity is unknown. We reviewed recent trends in doula-related legislation and evaluated the extent to which new legislation addresses racial health equity. Methods: We conducted a landscape analysis of the LegiScan database to systematically evaluate state legislation mentioning the word “doula” between 2015 and 2020. We identified and applied nine criteria to assess the equity focus of the identified doula-related legislative proposals. Our final sample consisted of 73 bills across 24 states. Results: We observed a three-fold increase in doula-related state legislation introduced over the study period, with 15 bills proposed before 2019 and 58 proposed in 2019–2020. Proposed policies varied widely in content and scope, with 53.4% focusing on Medicaid reimbursement for doula care. In total, 12 bills in 7 states became law. Seven of these laws (58.3%) contained measures for Medicaid reimbursement for doula services, but none guaranteed a living wage based on the cost of living or through consultation with doulas. Only two states (28.6%; Virginia and Oregon) that passed Medicaid reimbursement for doulas also addressed other racial equity components. Conclusions: There has been an increase in proposed doula-related legislation between 2015 and 2020, but racial health equity is not a focus among the laws that passed. States should consider using racial equity assessments to evaluate proposed doula-related legislation.

<p> It has been over 1 year since we observed the policing of the George Floyd protests in the United States [R. R. Hardeman, E. M. Medina, R. W. Boyd, <italic>N. Engl. J. Med.</italic> 383, 197–199 (2020)]. Multiple injury reports emerged in medical journals, and the scientific community called for law enforcement to discontinue the use of less-lethal weapons [E. A. Kaske <italic>et al.</italic> , <italic>N. Engl. J. Med</italic> . 384, 774–775 (2021) and K. A. Olson <italic>et al.</italic> , <italic>N. Engl. J. Med.</italic> 383, 1081–1083 (2020)]. Despite progress in research, policy change has not followed a similar pace. Although the reasoning for this discrepancy is multifactorial, failure to use appropriate language may be one contributing factor to the challenges faced in updating policies and practices. Here, we detail how language has the potential to influence thinking and decision-making, we discuss how the language of less-lethal weapons minimizes harm, and we provide a framework for naming conventions that acknowledges harm. </p>

As the long-standing and ubiquitous racial inequities of the United States reached national attention, the public health community has witnessed the rise of “health equity tourism”. This phenomenon is the process of previously unengaged investigators pivoting into health equity research without developing the necessary scientific expertise for high-quality work. In this essay, we define the phenomenon and provide an explanation of the antecedent conditions that facilitated its development. We also describe the consequences of health equity tourism – namely, recapitulating systems of inequity within the academy and the dilution of a landscape carefully curated by scholars who have demonstrated sustained commitments to equity research as a primary scientific discipline and praxis. Lastly, we provide a set of principles that can guide novice equity researchers to becoming community members rather than mere tourists of health equity.

Purpose: The purpose of this report from the field is to describe the process by which an multidisciplinary workgroup, selected by the CDC Foundation in partnership with maternal health experts, developed a definition of racism that would be specifically appropriate for inclusion on the Maternal Mortality Review Information Application (MMRIA) form. Description: In the United States Black women are nearly 4 times more likely to experience a pregnancy-related death. Recent evidence points to racism as a fundamental cause of this inequity. Furthermore, the CDC reports that 3 of 5 pregnancy related deaths are preventable. With these startling facts in mind, the CDC created the Maternal Mortality Review Information Application (MMRIA) for use by Maternal Mortality Review Committees (MMRC) to support standardized data abstraction, case narrative development, documentation of committee decisions, and analysis on maternal mortality to inform practices and policies for preventing maternal mortality. Assessment: Charged with the task of defining racism and discrimination as contributors to pregnancy related mortality, the work group established four goals to define their efforts: (1) the desire to create a product that was inclusive of all forms of racism and discrimination experienced by birthing people; (2) an acknowledgement of the legacy of racism in the U.S. and the norms in health care delivery that perpetuate racist ideology; (3) an acknowledgement of the racist narratives surrounding the issue of maternal mortality and morbidity that often leads to victim blaming; and (4) that the product would be user friendly for MMRCs. Conclusion: The working group developed three definitions and a list of recommendations for action to help MMRC members provide suggested interventions to adopt when discrimination or racism were contributing factors to a maternal death. The specification of these definitions will allow the systematic tracking of the contribution of racism to maternal mortality through the MMRIA and allow a greater standardization of its identification across participating jurisdictions with MMRCs that use the form.